Mr. President,
Distinguished members of the Security Council,
In February, I delivered what I thought would be my final public briefing on Iraq. That said, I am, of course, glad to have the privilege of addressing you once more before departing from my current position later this month.
Mr. President, over the past years, I have highlighted - time and again - Iraq’s many challenges. Now, I often added that, at the same time, Iraq is a country of great opportunity. Of course, any opportunity is only as real as the effort to seize it.
As stated in my previous briefings, several important steps and promising initiatives have emerged. And this has been most visible in the past 18 months, particularly in the areas of service provision and construction.
The country is also grasping opportunities elsewhere, for example through its pivotal position in the region and beyond; the enhancement of its investment climate; the rollout of financial and economic reforms; plans for water management and environmental mitigation and adaptation; and for instance a reduction in dependence on imported fuels.
For the sake of time, I will not go into detail, but Council members and others may wish to refer to recent briefings and reports where further information is provided.
In sum, the picture we wish to portray is an Iraq which looks different to the country to which UNAMI was first deployed some 20 years ago. Indeed, it looks different to the country I arrived in, in 2018. Today we are, so to speak, witnessing an Iraq on the rise.
True, past decades of turmoil still impact the present. And yes, the challenges are manifold, with state institutions still fragile. But we do believe it is high time to judge the country on progress made, and to turn the page on the darker images of Iraq’s past.
This is not to say that everything is perfect, of course not. And hubris does not help anyone. Rather, it denies the legitimate and rightful demands for change that are still to be met.
Corruption, factionalism, impunity, undue interference and armed actors operating outside state control – while the Government is tackling these scourges, they still represent major hurdles to be overcome.
The same goes for feelings of marginalization and exclusion, which are spreading in and among certain components. If left unaddressed, they risk fanning the flames of intra- and inter-community tension.
Power grabs or punitive policies may benefit one segment of society or community in the short-term. But, in the end, everyone loses. This is particularly true in a country with conflict in living memory.
Within this context, the recent increase in mass unannounced executions (of individuals convicted under anti-terrorism laws) is a cause for great concern.
There is also much work to do before the fundamental rights and freedoms of all Iraqis are safeguarded. And, let me be clear, such work does not mean promoting any specific private behaviour or disrespecting any culture or religion. Quite the opposite.
Furthermore, any legislative work is expected to take into account the country’s obligations and commitments, including those resulting from international treaties and conventions to which Iraq has signed up. It goes without saying that freedom of expression and non-discrimination are among the rights enshrined in such treaties.
What is more, in Iraq, too many women are still waiting for a seat at the table. Others, who have secured a seat, are too often being squeezed out of decision-making processes. What this shows is that women’s empowerment must move beyond symbolism.
And yes, the need for an active, empowered and protected civic space, is as pressing as ever.
But again, the Iraq of 2024 is evolving – and fast.
And while it is true that the road ahead will be laden with obstacles, we are hopeful that further progress will be unlocked for all Iraqis - whatever their affiliation, faith, background or ethnicity.
For that to happen, however, it remains of course essential that all of Iraq’s leaders work to put the country on the clearest path to success.
Mr. President, in my previous briefing, I touched upon the successful holding of Iraq’s local elections in December 2023. Today I can say that almost all governorate councils are now up and running.
Two provinces, however - Diyala and Kirkuk - remain at an impasse. Of course, it is not unusual for political negotiations to drag on. It happens across the world.
Having said this, five months have now passed - with no immediate resolution in sight. And the fact that the roadblocks to political compromise mirror those seen on other files is somewhat concerning.
On a separate, but not altogether different, note: six months of negotiations on the replacement of Iraq’s Parliamentary Speaker have, so far, failed to produce results.
While various factors have played into this impasse, internal divisions in the “Sunni house” have not helped matters.
At this stage, I can only emphasize, for multiple reasons, the importance of having the speaker in the chair.
With the next parliamentary vote expected to be held this coming Saturday, there is hope that the new speaker will be confirmed soon.
A related issue to flag here is the reality that Iraq’s Federal Supreme Court appears to be increasingly filling the void created by divisive politics.
Of course, legal redress is a useful and peaceful tool for the resolution of disputes.
But the sheer scale of constitutional cases arising from standard political processes, which should instead see politicians working out their differences to find solutions, it does point to a worrying trend.
Turning to the Kurdistan Region.
Since my last briefing, the Region’s political landscape has become even more polarized. As you know, after multiple postponements, the long-awaited Regional elections were scheduled for 10 June.
However, on 18 March, one of the ruling parties announced its decision not to participate in these elections. I won’t go into the weeds of what happened next, but worth mentioning today is that, inclusive, transparent, and credible Regional elections, capable of producing political finality and certainty, are desperately needed.
The stakes are high - including, and increasingly, within the context of the legitimacy of KR institutions. In fact, if the current impasse was to drag on, the very future of the Region would hang in the balance.
Having said this, after intensive engagement in past weeks, which has been guided by the need for a swift and decisive way out of the deadlock, we are now hopeful that a final, and thus binding, election date will be announced soon.
It is hoped (or better: it is expected) that the vote will take place with as minimal a delay as possible, in any case not later than four months from now, and with a minority quota.
On Sinjar, Mr. President, it has been nine years since the area was liberated from Da’esh.
However, anyone traveling to Sinjar today would be forgiven for thinking that time has stood still. The city continues to lie in ruins.
And the blueprint offered (by the 2020 Sinjar Agreement) for a unified administration, as well as stable security structures, it gathers more dust as each year passes.
This summer will mark a sombre anniversary: 10 years since Da’esh committed a genocide against the Yazidi people.
At this stage, I can only express hope that the upcoming 10th anniversary will not be wasted but rather used - by all authorities, actors and stakeholders - to unite and step up to the plate with the sole aim of serving the people of Sinjar.
There are solutions; if only there was genuine willingness to make them a reality.
Equally important is ensuring that the pursuit of accountability continues. Certainly now, with UNITAD on its way out.
And speaking more broadly, those affected and displaced by conflict deserve to rebuild their lives. This must include returns to areas which have, so far, been inaccessible because of the influence exerted by armed actors.
To state the obvious: this does not only apply to Sinjar but also to other areas, such as Jurf al-Sakhr – to name just one.
Mr. President, taking a step back to look at the regional security environment: as you know too well, a state of volatility persists.
The good news here is that Iraq’s Government has shown strong resolve in preventing the country from being dragged into wider conflict. As the Prime Minister said: this has meant exerting both external and internal pressure to avoid an escalation.
Through these efforts, I am glad to say that, currently, a more stable security environment prevails in Iraq. Nonetheless, given the country’s complex landscape of armed actors operating outside state control, as well as intense regional pressures, the situation remains flammable. In other words: the risk of miscalculation is, still, sky-high.
On the return of Iraqi nationals from northeastern Syria, I am pleased to report that Iraq is continuing its commendable efforts. In saying that, time remains of the essence. And I therefore wish to express hope that returns will soon be scaled up.
Within this context, let me - once again - emphasize that yesterday’s fight against Da’esh may still compound the problems of tomorrow. Problems which will not stop at Iraq’s doorstep.
Hence, any other government with nationals in Al-Hol and/or other facilities in northeastern Syria carries a duty to act.
I am repeating myself, but keeping people indefinitely in these restrictive and poor conditions ultimately creates greater protection and security risks than taking them back in a controlled manner.
Mr. President, a final point on the issue of missing Kuwaiti and third-country nationals, and missing Kuwaiti property, including the national archives.
As I said last time, swifter progress is needed. And this must involve the overcoming of bureaucratic hurdles and immediate follow-up on outstanding issues.
In other words, an uptick in activities to identify and further excavate burial sites is urgently needed. Also necessary is the reactivation of the joint committee on missing Kuwaiti property. It is quite simple: the pace of the search and return of property, including the national archives, is currently too slow.
Mr. President, in closing, let me say that, throughout my tenure as Special Representative, it looked, at times, like Iraq’s society and political framework were poised to come apart at the seams.
Now, the conditions which allowed this fraying cannot be expected to just disappear overnight.
Dealing with both the legacy of the past and the many challenges of the present will take time. Also, whether we like it or not, nothing is irreversible.
Yet, while the country has teetered on the edge, several times, it has found a way to step back from the brink, to continue its journey forward.
As I made clear earlier on, there are persistent and serious challenges, but Iraq’s horizon is replete with opportunities. And yes, the country is also teeming with people who are ready and willing to seize them.
Without doubt, Mr. President, the imprint the country and its people have made on me, will be a lasting one.
So, once again: عاش العراق – Long Live Iraq
Thank you, Mr. President.
